Good morning, good morning, ladies and gentlemen. And thank you very much for the kind introduction.
It’s good to be back in Washington, D.C. Last time I was here, I was Foreign Minister. This time I came back as Defense Minister. Maybe next year, as a Prime Minister.
Well, originally I came to Washington, one year after Patrick Ewing. I went to Georgetown. It was a golden age in Washington: Georgetown won a NCAA championship and the Redskins won the Super Bowl. I don’t know what happened to Georgetown basketball this season. I don’t see the name in top 25, and the Redskins, I don’t see them- but now you get the Washington Nationals and the Washington Wizards with Rui Hachimura. So I think things change as time goes by.
Well, there was a Soviet threat during the Cold War. Now it’s gone and now we are- we have to worry about Chinese military expansion.
So let me talk about the Alliance. I prepared a very comprehensive speech but it will probably go on for about three hours so I will have to cut it very short. And Dr. Green could probably spend a semester talking about Alliance at Georgetown.
Well, 60 years ago on January 19, 1960, the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty was revised, which marked the beginning of this Japan-U.S. Alliance as we know now. For more than half a century, this Alliance has fulfilled the strategic interests, both Japan and the United States. It’s also important to point out that this Alliance is based on common values shared by two liberal democracies.
Allow me to highlight the tremendous progress we have made in advancing our security cooperation within the framework of Alliance over the years. Security cooperation with the United States really started when we formulated first Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in 1978. A few months after that, the Air Self-Defense Force and the U.S. Air Force conducted their first-ever bilateral exercise. Two years later in 1980, the Maritime Self-Defense Force joined the RIMPAC for the first time, and the following year in 1981, the Ground Self-Defense Force conducted its first bilateral training and exercise with the U.S. Army.
We have come long ways since then. Over the years, bilateral training and exercises have contributed in enhancing interoperability, sustainability, and combat readiness between the Self-Defense Forces and U.S. Forces. They represent our two countries’ determination and concerted efforts to strengthen the Alliance. They also demonstrate the deterrence capabilities of the Alliance to the region and to the world. Japan and the United States will continue to make efforts to improve bilateral training and exercises.
The first Guideline was formulated during the Cold War and its main focus was on the response against an armed attack on Japan. The end of the Cold War brought about a period of uncertainty. The Persian Gulf War broke out in 1990, and the first North Korean nuclear crisis in 1993. These factors, along with tensions over the Taiwan Strait, contributed to the revision of the Guideline in 1997 that allowed for a possible and yet limited role by the Self-Defense Forces in “situations in areas surrounding Japan.”
The following years were met with even greater uncertainties: notably, 1998, North Korean ballistic missile launch over Japan; the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001; the War in Afghanistan; and the Iraqi War. Also, in September 2010, a Chinese fishing vessel, illegally operating in waters around the Senkaku Islands, collided with two Japan Coast Guard ships. The arrest and detainment of the Chinese captain resulted in diplomatic standoff with Beijing. And on March 11, 2011, Japan was hit by an unprecedented disaster, the Great East Japan Earthquake and tsunami. Following this development, and to reflect the changing security environment of the 21st century, the government of Japan and the United States undertook a major revision of the Guideline for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in 2015.
The new Guidelines account for seamless bilateral cooperation from peacetime to contingencies, and also expands the scope of the Alliance to include the protection of both regional and global security. It also addresses cooperation in new strategic domains, such as cyber and space, which were not mentioned in 1997. Another new component is the establishment of the Alliance Coordination Mechanism that will improve bilateral coordination for responses to any future contingencies. The new Guidelines also incorporates enhancements in information sharing that includes defense equipment and military technology. Implementing new Guidelines will further strengthen the deterrence and response capabilities of the Alliance. In addition to the release of the 2015 Guidelines, a new set of laws called the Legislation for Peace and Security was approved by the Japanese Parliament, in September 2015. The legislation will enable Japan to respond seamlessly and with greater flexibility to a variety of contingencies. The legislation will also allow for the protection of U.S. Forces and their military assets. It also includes enhancement in the provision of supplied services, and logistical support to the U.S. Forces under the ACSA.
With these developments, the scope of our security cooperation with the United States has expanded more than ever before. It’s been said that “an alliance, that can help each other builds a stronger bond.” This is true. The deterrence capabilities of the Japan-U.S. Alliance is stronger than ever. As you can see, the Alliance has evolved over the years and have adjusted to the challenges of changing security environment. Japan and the United States have become the closest allies in the world. I think I could say that. The Alliance is now stronger than ever, and as a Defense Minister of Japan, I can actually feel this every day.
So now, let us take a quick look at the current security environment. The overall view is that certain states are seeking to change the regional and international order in their favor and are expanding their sphere of influence. This is resulting in the rise of inter-state competition in all fronts- politics, economy, and military. The world is becoming increasingly dependent on technologies that run through the cyber domain. Technological advancements are fundamentally changing how we fight. Contemporary warfare is fought in combined domains, not only on land, at sea, in the air, but also in space, cyberspace, and electromagnetic spectrum.
As we turn our eyes to the geographical area around Japan, we see that it’s an area with countries with advanced military capabilities in both quantity and quality. It’s apparent that countries in this area are enhancing their military capabilities, and are aggressively expanding their military activities. The Indo-Pacific region, which includes Japan, is a region rich with political, economic, and religious diversities. Countries in this region have different views on security and threat awareness. Accordingly, a cooperative regional security framework, just like NATO, is yet to be institutionalized in this region.
As for the Korean Peninsula -- the Korean people have been divided for more than half a century, and the military forces of the ROK and DPRK continue to lock horns.
Also in this region exists issues concerning Taiwan, and the situation in the South China Sea remains volatile.
And we cannot overlook the violation of our territorial waters around Senkaku Islands, three times a month on average, and the daily entrance by Chinese government vessels into our contiguous zone around the Senkaku Islands. We have strong concerns over China’s continuous attempts to unilaterally change the status quo in the East China Sea, particularly around the Senkaku Islands, by forceful means such as the PLA Navy and the Chinese Coast Guard, which is a paramilitary organization.
Meanwhile, in the South China Sea, China has been conducting military activities near the Scarborough shoal with the use of long-range H-6K bombers, among others. China has expanded and increased their air and maritime activities in this area by conducting large-scale exercises and naval displays, including the aircraft carrier “Liaoning.” China has pushed forward with the militarization of both the Paracel and Spratly islands by installing military facilities such as batteries, and by constructing a 3,000-meter-long runway that could land fighters and bombers. China has also constructed harbors and radar facilities on these islands. China continues to engage in unilateral, coercive attempts to alter the status quo in the South China Sea and to create a fait accompli.
Japan cannot and will not overlook such aggressive behaviors by China. China’s actions in both the East China Sea and South China Sea are nothing less than assertive and coercive attempts to overturn the international order. If we overlook Chinese attempts to alter the international order and let China continue undermining international rules and norms, the negative impact of these actions will not only be limited to the Indo-Pacific region but will stretch around the world.
China is also expanding and increasing military activities in the Pacific Ocean and in the Sea of Japan. For instance, in 2008, Chinese combat vessels were spotted operating in the Pacific Ocean and in the Sea of Japan for the first time. This number has multiplied each year since 2012. In addition to this, Chinese military aircrafts began flying over the Pacific Ocean in 2013, and over the Sea of Japan in 2016. Japan’s Air Self-Defense Force have to scramble against Chinese aircrafts more than 600 times a year now. In July last year, Chinese and Russian bombers flew together from the Sea of Japan towards the Tsushima strait, which was something we had never seen before.
Asked about China’s naval advancements into the Pacific Ocean in 2017, the Chinese Defense Press Secretary stated: “Japan simply needs to get used to it.” We believe that such actions by China will continue onwards.
China’s H-6K bombers can carry long-range cruise missiles, “CJ-20”, that puts Guam well within its strike range. This and the aircraft carrier “Liaoning,” among others, are advancing into the Pacific Ocean. This means China now possesses the capabilities to break through the first island chain that runs from Okinawa to the Philippines.
China has warned the U.S. and its allies against the deployment of U.S. intermediate-range missiles to the East Asia, sometimes with threatening rhetoric, pointed to the fact that China also has missiles. They always insist their missiles are purely defensive. Long- and middle-range missiles, such as CJ-20 and DF-21 ballistic missiles constitute the core of A2/AD capabilities. China has been increasing those types of missiles as much as they want because China is not a party of the INF Treaty, which was signed during the Cold War. Recently, China announced that the country would not participate in the New START negotiation. We need to continue our diplomatic efforts, even with Russia, to get China engaged in a framework towards the arms reduction of new strategic weapons alongside the United States and Russia in the post-INF period.
You may frown at me proposing to work with Russia. But by looking at Russia from the east side of the country, however, we can see that we potentially share mutual interests with Russia in not few areas in dealing with China. We need to pay attention to China’s “debt-trap” diplomacy as well. China’s loan lending practices under the Belt and Road Initiatives (BRI) has put a number of countries, such as Sri Lanka, Maldives, Pakistan, Djibouti, Vanuatu, and others into a so-called “debt-trap.” Speaking from our own experience, we are fully aware that freedom and democracy cannot be built in a day, especially in Asian countries where they have long history and complicated social structures. Myanmar and Cambodia are in the process of advancing their democracy. At this stage, the problems in these countries are drawing attention. But if we hesitate to lend our hands to them, citing the problems, they may be dragged into “debt-trap” by China. As a result, they will be back to authoritarianism.
We must increase our commitment to the Pacific Island countries that are a vital part of the Indo-Pacific region. As a part of this effort, I will host a multi-national conference in April in Tokyo with the defense ministers from Pacific Island countries which own military forces, as well as the partner countries connected to the region, namely the United States, Australia, New Zealand, France, and the United Kingdom. Just last December, I visited Beijing and met with my counterpart, Defense Minister General Fenghe. It was the first visit by Japanese Defense Minister in 10 years. At the meeting with my counterpart, I directly conveyed our strong concern over the frequent activities by the PLA in the East China Sea and urged China to take positive steps to improve the situation. This spring, we are planning to welcome President Xi Jinping as a state guest. We want to extend our heartfelt welcome to President Xi for his visit.
China needs to work harder to improve the situation that I just pointed out. Otherwise, we may find a difficult environment for the visit. International norms, such as freedom, democracy and legal order, have been built up and maintained by the countries, including Japan, and the United States, and others, overcoming difficulties. If China makes light of the international norms, they have to pay the cost. We need to create the environment where the cost will be imposed on China in cooperation with the international community.
In response to China’s increasing military actions, the Self-Defense Forces are strengthening capabilities to closely and consistently monitor the surrounding waters and airspace of Japan. For example, we plan to deploy ISR-focused small-sized patrol ships and to also introduce a new-type of destroyers that can be operated with fewer personnel and can serve multiple purpose- such as mine-sweeping. We also plan to deploy F-35Bs, and will make the necessary refurbishments on Izumo-class destroyers for these aircrafts to operate from. By doing so, we will be able to defend our airspace with greater efficiency, while securing the safety of our pilots as they operate in the vast waters of the Pacific Ocean, where few air fields are made available. We will defend our airspace with the procurement of 150 F-35s, that will include F-35Bs.
Fiscal constraints and decline in population due to low birthrate present limitations to our defense budget and human resources. We removed the restrictions on what woman can do in the Self-Defense Forces. We are also working on improving the work environment for them. In Ground Self-Defense Force, the first-ever female anti-tank helicopter operator was assigned in 2017. In Air Self-Defense Force, the first female fighter pilot in 2018, and in Maritime Self-Defense Force, first-ever Aegis destroyer commander was assigned in 2019. We also decided to pave the way for women to be assigned to submarine crews last year, and are now preparing for onboarding them this year.
Japan and the United States share and support universal values, such as democracy, freedom, rule of law, and respect for human rights. Japan is determined to take actions to promote these values. TPP, Trans-Pacific Partnership, was supposed to be the new rules for the Pacific region by the like-minded countries sharing the values- such as Japan, the U.S., Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and so forth. We need to bring it back as TPP 12 in the near future, hopefully.
As I mentioned earlier, the security environment surrounding Japan is one of the toughest in the world. Situated in a geopolitically important location and based upon shared common values, the Japan-U.S. Alliance is one of the strongest in the world. The Alliance also serves as a platform for U.S. military readiness in the Indo-Pacific region. Approximately 50 thousand U.S. troops are stationed in Japan. Kadena, Yokota, and Iwakuni are the largest U.S. Air Force bases located in the Far East. Yokosuka is the only U.S. naval facility that can repair aircraft carriers outside the continental United States. The only overseas U.S. Marine installations are situated in Japan and are located facing the East China Sea.
Japan will continue to ensure and support the forward deployment of U.S. Forces based on the Japan-U.S. Security Arrangements. The Self-Defense Forces will work together with the United States military in protecting Japan’s national security, as well as securing the peace and stability of the region.
The Japan-U.S. Alliance, now stronger than ever, is capable of deterring any threats, and is ready to meet all the future challenges. The Alliance will serve to protect universal values, and will spread them widely to the world.
Professor Madeline Albright, former U.S. Secretary of State, once said: “All work that is worth anything is done in faith.” As I did so in my former capacity as a Foreign Minister, I will give everything that I have, and with faith, to my work as a Defense Minister of Japan.